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06-19 01:30 PM

With all of the publicity recently received in the cases of the abortion clinic and Holocaust museum slayings, I'm surprised that this crime has not been getting a lot of publicity: An outspoken anti-immigration activist who was at the center of a series of violent crimes in Everett earlier this year now stands accused of the home-invasion killings of an Arizona man and his 9-year-old daughter. Shawna Forde, 41, and two associates in her Minuteman American Defense group are charged with two counts of first-degree murder, one count of first-degree burglary and one count of aggravated assault, according to the...

More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/06/latest-hate-killer-allegedly-connected-to-fair.html)

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08-06 12:06 PM

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August 12th, 2005, 03:50 PM

Depicting "despair" using a photo and nothing else is tough. A final in one of my photoshop classes was to make a TIME magazine cover that depicted either "despair" or "hope". It was a lot harder to do that we all originally thought.

This comes close but it could also be construed as sadness, anger, weariness, pain, etc.

As I said, that's a very tough emotion to depict in a photo without any supporting text.

By the way, I like the photo.

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08-04 04:07 PM

http://www.uscis.gov/files/article/f_english.pdf

The post office cannot forward your card. If there is a name
other than yours on the mailbox you use to get your mail,
the post office will not deliver your card. In either of these situations,
they will return your card to us as undeliverable.
- If you move before you get your card, notify your post
office, but also call our customer service number to update
your address and emphasize when calling that you are waiting
for your card.
- If you are living with someone else, and that person’s
name is on the mailbox, we recommend you add your name
to the mailbox, or you run the risk the post office will return
your card to us as undeliverable

Something I found on USCIS site. Not sure if it applied to just the greencard or the EAD card as well. But this is a good tip.

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10-30 02:31 PM

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chanduv23

11-09 03:21 PM

Thanks for your support Ms. Reddy
We are hoping that all of us with realize that the time is NOW to act for ourselves and not wait for someone else to do it.

Really inspiring indeed.

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kshitijnt

04-26 04:54 PM

This will slowly eliminate the need for arrogant CBP officers.

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09-21 01:10 PM

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ranand00

04-08 08:30 PM

My H1B was approved for location A (MICHIGAN),ONE MONTH AGO.Now my employer wants me to work in location B(PA).My question-
Do I have to wait until labor is approved for location B or can I start working from monday and labor(for location B) can come in 10-15 days thereafter.I am a PT.
Thanks
Anand

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Preeti123

12-01 08:56 PM

Hi All,

I have got an RFE for my I-485 application. . I missed to complete a question (part3 and question #10) in I-485 form for which I got a request for evidence letter from USCIS. Can anyone has any template on how i should reply. Your help is much appreciated . Thanks in advance

--Preeti.

USCIS Letter:
-------------------------------------------
You did not properly complete part 3 question 10 of your form I-485 applicatio.
Question # 10: Are you under a final order of Civil Penalty for violating section 274C of the immigration and Nationality Act for use of
fraudulent documents or by fraud or willful misrepresentation of a material fact, ever sought to procure, or procured, a visa, other documentation, entry into the United States or any immigration benefit.

Therefor submit an affidavit with your answer to this question a 'Yes' or 'No' response.

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bulgarian

11-22 06:13 AM

Hey,

I'm sorry, I still don't have a solution, but I am working on it... I will write you if I come up with something.

Regards,

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03-08 08:20 AM

Utah legislators passed two measures Friday that set the state on a different course than Arizona. One measure is an enforcement one and would require police to check the immigration status of those stopped on suspicion of committing felonies and misdemeanors. The measure's most controversial provision - an Arizona-style section allowing police to stop people based on a "reasonal suspicion" that the person is illegally present - was removed. The bill is making headlines as well for inclusion of a guest worker provision that will allow the state to issue two year work permits to persons illegally present in the...

More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/03/utah-heads-in-different-direction-than-arizona.html)

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loudobbs

08-29 12:23 PM

My attorneys screwed up and filed my I140 under the wrong category. (EB3 instead of EB2). They refiled PP but without the original Labor cert attached. My PP application is not approved yet.

I called a couple of weeks ago and they told me they wont do PP because the original labor cert was not attached.

I Emailed them yesterday and this is their reply:

'This petition has been assigned to an officer,but no decision has been made.'

Does this mean anything? meaning is it close to being approved??

Thanks much!!

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gcfriend65

03-14 10:58 AM

No Employment Soliciting on this website please- it is strictly reserved for Immigration issues and more specifically with Retrogression.
Thanks for your co-operation.

Hello,

I am in a big fix by not getting jobs. I cant find a job in pharma company nor anyone to sponsor me for H1b.I am on H4 visa rightnow and want suggestions for wht i should do to get job and H1b visa. can someone suggest me how should i proceed with this.

thanks

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abcdefg

01-28 03:53 PM

Hello!

I am pursuing part-time MBA while working for a company which has sponsored my GC. I am on EAD based on EB3 filing with PD of March 2005.

I plan to do a summer internship (10-12 weeks) at another company and need to understand the risks. This internship would be 40-hr/week so I will have to either
* quit my job and then search for another full-time job after internship is over, or
* take a Leave of Absence (LoA) for 3 months and come back to my current job

The first option is obviously very risky so I am inclined towards the second option though I don't know if my employer will grant me LoA. Could you please advice me whether doing an internship will be an issue later when my PD becomes current.

Thank you!!
GC Seeker

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03-06 09:29 AM

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10-18 07:24 AM

Voters unhappy with Bush and Congress (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/10/17/AR2007101700470.html) By John Whitesides | Political Correspondent Reuters, October 17, 2007

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Deepening unhappiness with President George W. Bush and the U.S. Congress soured the mood of Americans and sent Bush's approval rating to another record low this month, according to a Reuters/Zogby poll released on Wednesday.

The Reuters/Zogby Index, which measures the mood of the country, also fell from 98.8 to 96 -- the second consecutive month it has dropped. The number of Americans who believe the country is on the wrong track jumped four points to 66 percent.

Bush's job approval rating fell to 24 percent from last month's record low for a Zogby poll of 29 percent. A paltry 11 percent gave Congress a positive grade, tying last month's record low.

"There is a real question among Americans now about how relevant this government is to them," pollster John Zogby said. "They tell us they want action on health care, education, the war and immigration, but they don't believe they are going to get it."

The dismal assessment of the Republican president and the Democratic-controlled Congress follows another month of inconclusive political battles over a future path in Iraq and the recent Bush veto of an expansion of the program providing insurance for poor children.

The bleak mood could present problems for both parties heading into the November 2008 election campaign, Zogby said.

"Voter turnout could still be high next year, but the mood has turned against incumbents and into a 'throw the bums out' mindset," Zogby said.

The national telephone survey of 991 likely voters, conducted October 10 through October 14, found barely one-quarter of Americans, or 26 percent, believe the country is headed in the right direction.

The poll found declining confidence in U.S. economic and foreign policy. About 18 percent gave positive marks to foreign policy, down from 24 percent, and 26 percent rated economic policy positively, down from 30 percent.

A majority of Americans still rate their personal financial situation as excellent or good, although the number dipped slightly this month to 54 percent from 56 percent. In August, 59 percent rated their finances as excellent or good.

"Americans are still feeling good about a number of things in their lives, but not about the government's leadership," Zogby said. "They are giving up on this government."

The Index, which made its debut last month, combines responses to 10 questions on Americans' views about their leaders, the direction of the country and their future. Index polling began in July, and that month's results provide the benchmark score of 100.

A score above 100 indicates the public mood has improved since July. A score below 100 shows the mood has soured, and a falling score like the one recorded this month shows the nation's mood is getting worse.

The RZI is released the third Wednesday of each month.

In the 2008 White House race, Sen. Hillary Clinton of New York tightened her grip on the top spot in the Democratic nomination race with the support of 46 percent, up from 35 percent last month.

Her top rival, Sen. Barack Obama of Illinois, was at 25 percent, moving up slightly from last month's 21 percent. Former Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina was third with 9 percent, and about 12 percent of Democratic voters were unsure of their choice.

Among Republicans, former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani expanded his lead over Fred Thompson, the former senator and Hollywood actor. Giuliani led Thompson 28 percent to 20 percent, compared to last month's 26 percent to 24 percent.

Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney jumped from 7 percent to 14 percent and moved past Arizona Sen. John McCain into third place. McCain fell from 13 percent last month to 8 percent.

More Republicans, 18 percent, said they had not made up their mind, leaving room for more shifts in the field. "We still have one in five Republicans undecided. That race is really up in the air," Zogby said.

A majority of voters asked about former Vice President Al Gore said he should not run for the White House in 2008 despite winning the Nobel Peace Prize. About 51 percent said he should not enter the race and 40 percent said he should.

The Nobel award on Friday came halfway through the polling period. The Gore question was asked of 485 likely voters with a margin of error of plus or minus 4.5 percent.

The rest of the national survey had a margin of error of plus or minus 3.2 percentage points.

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11-11 08:15 AM

Extreme Politics (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/11/books/review/Brinkley-t.html) By ALAN BRINKLEY | New York Times, November 11, 2007

Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins professor of history and the provost at Columbia University.

Few people would dispute that the politics of Washington are as polarized today as they have been in decades. The question Ronald Brownstein poses in this provocative book is whether what he calls “extreme partisanship” is simply a result of the tactics of recent party leaders, or whether it is an enduring product of a systemic change in the structure and behavior of the political world. Brownstein, formerly the chief political correspondent for The Los Angeles Times and now the political director of the Atlantic Media Company, gives considerable credence to both explanations. But the most important part of “The Second Civil War” — and the most debatable — is his claim that the current political climate is the logical, perhaps even inevitable, result of a structural change that stretched over a generation.

A half-century ago, Brownstein says, the two parties looked very different from how they appear today. The Democratic Party was a motley combination of the conservative white South; workers in the industrial North as well as African-Americans and other minorities; and cosmopolitan liberals in the major cities of the East and West Coasts. Republicans dominated the suburbs, the business world, the farm belt and traditional elites. But the constituencies of both parties were sufficiently diverse, both demographically and ideologically, to mute the differences between them. There were enough liberals in the Republican Party, and enough conservatives among the Democrats, to require continual negotiation and compromise and to permit either party to help shape policy and to be competitive in most elections. Brownstein calls this “the Age of Bargaining,” and while he concedes that this era helped prevent bold decisions (like confronting racial discrimination), he clearly prefers it to the fractious world that followed.

The turbulent politics of the 1960s and ’70s introduced newly ideological perspectives to the two major parties and inaugurated what Brownstein calls “the great sorting out” — a movement of politicians and voters into two ideological camps, one dominated by an intensified conservatism and the other by an aggressive liberalism. By the end of the 1970s, he argues, the Republican Party was no longer a broad coalition but a party dominated by its most conservative voices; the Democratic Party had become a more consistently liberal force, and had similarly banished many of its dissenting voices. Some scholars and critics of American politics in the 1950s had called for exactly such a change, insisting that clear ideological differences would give voters a real choice and thus a greater role in the democratic process. But to Brownstein, the “sorting out” was a catastrophe that led directly to the meanspirited, take-no-prisoners partisanship of today.

There is considerable truth in this story. But the transformation of American politics that he describes was the product of more extensive forces than he allows and has been, at least so far, less profound than he claims. Brownstein correctly cites the Democrats’ embrace of the civil rights movement as a catalyst for partisan change — moving the white South solidly into the Republican Party and shifting it farther to the right, while pushing the Democrats farther to the left. But he offers few other explanations for “the great sorting out” beyond the preferences and behavior of party leaders. A more persuasive explanation would have to include other large social changes: the enormous shift of population into the Sun Belt over the last several decades; the new immigration and the dramatic increase it created in ethnic minorities within the electorate; the escalation of economic inequality, beginning in the 1970s, which raised the expectations of the wealthy and the anxiety of lower-middle-class and working-class people (an anxiety conservatives used to gain support for lowering taxes and attacking government); the end of the cold war and the emergence of a much less stable international system; and perhaps most of all, the movement of much of the political center out of the party system altogether and into the largest single category of voters — independents. Voters may not have changed their ideology very much. Most evidence suggests that a majority of Americans remain relatively moderate and pragmatic. But many have lost interest, and confidence, in the political system and the government, leaving the most fervent party loyalists with greatly increased influence on the choice of candidates and policies.

Brownstein skillfully and convincingly recounts the process by which the conservative movement gained control of the Republican Party and its Congressional delegation. He is especially deft at identifying the institutional and procedural tools that the most conservative wing of the party used after 2000 both to vanquish Republican moderates and to limit the ability of the Democratic minority to participate meaningfully in the legislative process. He is less successful (and somewhat halfhearted) in making the case for a comparable ideological homogeneity among the Democrats, as becomes clear in the book’s opening passage. Brownstein appropriately cites the former House Republican leader Tom DeLay’s farewell speech in 2006 as a sign of his party’s recent strategy. DeLay ridiculed those who complained about “bitter, divisive partisan rancor.” Partisanship, he stated, “is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength.”

But making the same argument about a similar dogmatism and zealotry among Democrats is a considerable stretch. To make this case, Brownstein cites not an elected official (let alone a Congressional leader), but the readers of the Daily Kos, a popular left-wing/libertarian Web site that promotes what Brownstein calls “a scorched-earth opposition to the G.O.P.” According to him, “DeLay and the Democratic Internet activists ... each sought to reconfigure their political party to the same specifications — as a warrior party that would commit to opposing the other side with every conceivable means at its disposal.” The Kos is a significant force, and some leading Democrats have attended its yearly conventions. But few party leaders share the most extreme views of Kos supporters, and even fewer embrace their “passionate partisanship.” Many Democrats might wish that their party leaders would emulate the aggressively partisan style of the Republican right. But it would be hard to argue that they have come even remotely close to the ideological purity of their conservative counterparts. More often, they have seemed cowed and timorous in the face of Republican discipline, and have over time themselves moved increasingly rightward; their recapture of Congress has so far appeared to have emboldened them only modestly.

There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the current level of polarization is the inevitable result of long-term systemic changes, or whether it is a transitory product of a particular political moment. But much of this so-called age of extreme partisanship has looked very much like Brownstein’s “Age of Bargaining.” Ronald Reagan, the great hero of the right and a much more effective spokesman for its views than President Bush, certainly oversaw a significant shift in the ideology and policy of the Republican Party. But through much of his presidency, both he and the Congressional Republicans displayed considerable pragmatism, engaged in negotiation with their opponents and accepted many compromises. Bill Clinton, bedeviled though he was by partisan fury, was a master of compromise and negotiation — and of co-opting and transforming the views of his adversaries. Only under George W. Bush — through a combination of his control of both houses of Congress, his own inflexibility and the post-9/11 climate — did extreme partisanship manage to dominate the agenda. Given the apparent failure of this project, it seems unlikely that a new president, whether Democrat or Republican, will be able to recreate the dispiriting political world of the last seven years.

Division of the U.S. Didn’t Occur Overnight (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/13/books/13kaku.html) By MICHIKO KAKUTANI | New York Times, November 13, 2007
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, The Penguin Press. $27.95

scho69

05-10 05:33 AM

We are family of four and have the following status

Self - Adjustment of Status (AOS - 485 filed in July'07), AP, EAD and a valid H1 (renewed recently)
Spouse - AOS 485 (filed in July'07), AP, EAD, H4 expired end of April 2010
Son 14 yrs. old - AOS 485 (filed in July'07), AP, H4 expired end of April 2010
Daughter - 11 yrs old - AOS 485 (filed in July'07), AP, H4 expired end of April 2010

Does my family have valid status? Specially my kids since they don't have EAD. Shall I renew their H4 for valid status? I was in the impression that if 485 is filed then there is no need to renew H4. Please advice me. I am totally confused.

keiryu

11-19 12:57 AM

The status website shows my green card is in production. It's been in that status for 1 year now.

fucmentrefbi

Monday, June 27, 2011

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